Friday, May 31, 2013

D.C. Circuit Sides with Comcast in Dispute with Tennis Channel

This week's D.C. Circuit ruling siding with Comcast in its carriage dispute with Tennis Channel came as little surprise. It ruled that the Federal Communications Commission failed to justify its conclusion that the cable provider (known as a "multichannel video programmer distributor" in today's parlance) discriminated against the Tennis Channel (not owned by Comcast) by placing it in a more expensive tier than the Golf Channel and Versus (now the NBC Sports Network). The ruling is available here.

For cable services, the ruling will come as a big relief. The opinion concluded that the FCC's determination Comcast's disparate treatment of the Tennis Channel by tiering it in a more expensive package was not discriminatory under sec. 616 of the 1992 Cable Act, and rejected the Commission's factual basis for making that determination. Judge Williams, writing for the court, stated that the FCC failed to provide "adequate evidence" to bolster its claims of discrimination. He did not address the more fundamental argument made by Comcast -- that the statute, or at least its application, was a First Amendment violation of the free speech rights of the cable provider. Basically, the court found that there were valid reasons for placing the Golf Channel and Versus on a lower, cheaper and more widely distributed tier than Tennis Channel and that there was no evidence that this differentiation was based on the fact that Tennis Channel was not a part of Comcast. Additionally, there was no evidence presented that Comcast would gain any financial benefit by placing Tennis on that same tier of service as the others, noting that no expert witnesses, or written studies were provided. That lack of evidence of any potential financial game was crucial in the court's determination. So, the court essentially rejected the FCC's emphasis on the similarities of the programming on the Golf, Versus and Tennis Channels and the disparate treatment of them, without anything more.

There were two concurring opinions. Judge Edwards discussed procedural issues (not the focus here), but Judge Kavanaugh produced an analysis of sec. 616 in terms of antitrust jurisprudence, with a passing reference to First Amendment standards. As to the antitrust issue, he opined that sec. 616 violations should be based on the same standards of proof as antitrust claims involving vertical concentration because sec, 616(a)(3) requires that the FCC enact regulations that prevent the cable operators from discriminatory conduct which "unreasonably restrains" the ability of the unaffiliated service to fairly compete.  In so doing, he found that there was no per se violation and there was no evidence of undue market power on the part of Comcast (a point that is debatable, given the general monopoly nature of cable operators). Therefore such vertical restraints (as found with the connection between Comcast and Golf/Versus) was presumptively pro-competitive.

Judge Kavanaugh then pushes what I think is a speculative connection between antitrust the First Amendment principles. He states: "applying sec. 616 to a video programming distributor that lacks market power would violate the First Amendment as it has been interpreted by the Supreme Court." Cases that generally applied an intermediate scrutiny test that has been upheld by the "monopolistic characteristics" of cable programmers and the need for access. I am not convinced at the connection and there is no specific mention of such a connection in Turner v. FCC,  512 U.S. 622 (1994) which upheld mandatory carriage requirements under an intermediate scrutiny test. He also that technological changes have weakened any undue market power of cable operators, inferring that the today, unlike the 1990s, cable regulations such as sec. 616 would be harder to justify today.

The majority did not wade into this territory, but nonetheless gave Comcast a big win. It would be more difficult for independent sports channels to provide discrimination, at least in the DC Circuit.

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

NFL Draft Heads to May

By pushing the NFL Draft back two weeks in 2014 to May 8th-10th, the league showed no favoritism to agents, prospective players, team personnel, or the fans--they all are negatively affected.

1. Agents

While no sympathy will be offered by the general public to agents, pushing the draft back extends the time during which they pick up expenses for their clients.  Traditionally, agents will absorb the costs of pre-draft training which will include combine prep, living expenses, travel, and an assortment of other "benefits."  Now, while powerhouse firms can easily assume the marginal additional expense, agents often spend between $10,000 and $20,000 on each client.

Obviously, for agents with fewer clients or alternative revenue streams, the additional weeks of "investment" in their clients becomes a burden.  Much like the summer of 2011 when the lockout extended the time during which agents covered their client's expenses, there was a clear distinction between what larger agencies were able to cover versus smaller firms or individual agents.

And, let's not pretend that poaching between agents doesn't occur.  This gives more time for agents to continue to recruit the clients of others.  [I won't even get into the role of runners and the impact that Jay-Z/Roc Nation could have during this period.]

2. Players

There is no real benefit to the potential draftable players, other than extended an already difficult time period.  Since the NFL is not changing the dates of the Combine, preparation for elite prospects will still start immediately after the bowl season.  There will still be a rush to sign with an agent, have them pick up training costs, and begin immediate preparation for the Combine.  These players will need to be in peak form for All-Star games, the Combine, perhaps for their school's Pro Days, and then there will still be another 6 weeks before the draft--more than enough time to slip, either physically or with a mistake.
 
And this extends the time that unsigned free agents have to patiently wait for teams to fortify their rosters with rookies (i.e. cheap labor) before they are able to resign with an NFL team.

3. NFL Personnel

Again, no one cares if a scout or assistant GM needs to go without sleep for another two weeks but this maneuver extends the time under which these individuals are under exorbitant amounts of pressure.  The extra two weeks provides no additional insight into a player's potential so there is no evaluative benefit to this additional time.

4. The Fans

Hey, look, another two weeks of your favorite draft prognosticator telling you who your favorite team will select in the 6th Round!  A colossal waste of time--unless you listen to Mike Mayock who, and I'm partial because he's a Boston College alum, is fantastic.

For the future, either the NFL Draft should revert back to April, or the League Year should also be pushed back--thereby moving the Combine, the start of free agency, and other calendar items. However, as it stands today, does anyone see any winners in this move?

Tuesday, May 28, 2013

New Sports Law Scholarship--Pt. 2

Recently published scholarship includes:
Ben Einbinder, What FINRA can learn from Major League Baseball, 12 PEPPERDINE DISPUTE RESOLUTION LAW JOURNAL 333 (2012)
Harry Epstein & Daniel Gandert, The Court’s yellow card for the United States Soccer Federation: a case for implied antitrust immunity, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 1 (2011)
David Falk, Note, Are professional sports leagues’ control over their member teams and owners in doubt?, 43 RUTGERS LAW JOURNAL 337 (2012)

Gabriel Feldman, Antitrust versus labor law in professional sports: balancing the scales after Brady v. NFL and Anthony v. NBA, 45 UC DAVIS LAW REVIEW 1221 (2012)

Heather M. Field, Throwing the red flag: challenging the NFL’s lessons for American business, 38 JOURNAL OF CORPATION LAW 381 (2013)

Nicholas Fram & T. Ward Frampton, A union of amateurs: a legal blueprint to reshape big-time college athletics, 60 BUFFALO LAW REVIEW 1003 (2012)

Nabeel Gadit, Note, An end to the NCAA’s exploitation of former student-athletes: how O’Bannon v. NCAA highlights the need for an inalienable reversionary interest in the right of publicity for former student-athletes, 30 CARDOZO ARTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 347 (2012)

Matthew Gallagher, The changing face of the “sport of kings”: a brief history of thoroughbred horse racing in the United States, its recent decline, and the legal implications surrounding racing partnerships and syndicates in the current landscape, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 275 (2012)

Robert M. Gallman, Comment, Enhancement or recovery? The scientific and legal paradox of performance-enhancing substances, 15 SMU SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY LAW REVIEW495 (2012)

Ephraim Glatt, Defining “sport” under Title IX: cheerleading, Biediger v. Quinnipiac University, and the proper scope of agency deference, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 297 (2012)

Samantha Glazer, Note, Sporting chance: litigating sexism out of the Olympic intersex policy, 20 JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICYY 545 (2012)

Robert A. Gottfried, Reasonable relocation: antitrust implications of restrictions on movement of professional sports teams, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 109 (2012)

Jeremy P. Gove, Note, Three and out: the NFL’s concussion liability and how players can tackle the problem, 14 VANDERBILT JOURNAL OF ENTERTAINMENT & TECHNOLOGY LAW 649 (2012)

Linda S. Greene, Head football coaches: ending the discourse of privilege, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY115 (2012)

Nathaniel Grow, Decertifying players unions: lessons from the NFL and NBA lockouts of 2011, 15 VANDERBILT JOUNRNAL & TECHNOLOGY LAW 473 (2013)

Rockwell T. Gust IV, Comment, The California Workers’ Compensation Act: the death knell of NFL players’ “concussion” case?, 44 UNIVERSITY TOLEDO LAW LAW REVIEW 245 (2012)

David Haddock et al., League structure & stadium rent seeking—the role of antitrust revisited, 65 FLORIDA LAW REVIEW 1 (2013)

Courtney D. Hall, Comment, Fishing for all-stars in a time of global free agency: understanding FIFA eligibility rules and the impact on the U.S. Men’s National Team, 23 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 191 (2012)

Tim Hance, Note, Threading American Needle: defining a narrow relevant market for rule of reason analysis in sports antitrust cases, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 247 (2011)

Angela J. Hattery, They play like girls: gender and race (in)equity in NCAA sports, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY247 (2012)

Marcus Hauer, Note, The constitutionality of public university bans of student-athlete speech through social media, 37 VERMONT LAW REVIEW 413 (2012)

Jeremy D. Heacox, Comment, Wisconsin Legislature employs halftime adjustment: how Wisconsin’s “new” Indian mascot law changes the outlook for future challenges to the use of discriminatory nicknames, mascots, and logos in Wisconsin schools, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 651 (2012)

Diane Heckman, Batter up: a look at the Supreme Court’s lineup, including the interaction with the new chief umpire on the bench, as Title IX marks its fortieth anniversary, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW461 (2012)

Kris Helge, The success of a nation’s soccer team: a bellwether regarding a nation’s electronic information infrastructure, the legal regulations that govern the infrastructure, the resulting citizen-trust in its government and its e-readiness in Nigeria, the DPRK, China, Japan, South Korea, the Netherlands and the United States, 39 NORTHERN KENTUCKY LAW REVIEW 467 (2012)

Aishlin P. Hicks, Note, Unsportsmanlike conduct: female sportswriters as targets for sexual harassment, 23 HASTINGS WOMEN’S LAW JOURNAL 219 (2012)

Joseph M. Hnylka, California drops the ball: the lack of a clear approach to recklessness in sport injury litigation, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 77 (2011)

Justin R. Hunt, Note, To share or not to share: revenue sharing structures in professional sports, 13 TEXAS REVIEW OF ENTERTAINMENT & SPORTS LAW 139 (2012)

John Imhoff, Comment, Bouchat v. Baltimore Ravens, 56 N.Y. LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW 1619 (2011-2012)

Trevor Jack, Note, Blue field of dreams: a BCS antitrust analysis, 39 JOURNAL OF COLLEGE & UNIVERSITY LAW 165 (2013)

Aiden Johnson, Note, Update: The curious case of Oscar Pistorius & Caster Semenya, 14 TEXAS REVIEW OF ENTERTAINMENT & SPORTS LAW 89 (2012)

Kendall K. Johnson, Enforceable fair and square: the right of publicity, unconscionability, and NCAA student-athlete contracts, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 1 (2012)

Cassandra Jones, Book Note, Reviewing Deborah Brake, Getting in the Game: Title IX and the Women’s Sports Revolution, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 613 (2012)

Richard T. Karcher, Broadcast rights, unjust enrichment, and the student-athlete, 34 CARDOZO LAW REVIEW 107 (2012)

Richard T. Karcher, Redress for a no-win situation: using liquidated damages in comparable coaches’ contracts to assess a school’s economic damage from the loss of a successful coach, 64 S.C. LAW REVIEW 429 (2012)

Joseph B. Kenney, Comment, Showing on-field racism the red card: how the use of tort law and vicarious liability can save the MLS from joining the English Premier League on racism row, 20 JEFFREY S. MOORAD SPORTS LAW JOURNAL 247 (2013)

Jordan I. Kobritz & Jeffrey F. Levine, Don Fehr leads the NHLPA: does the NHL have anything to fear?, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL178 (2011)

Jordan I. Kobritz et al., Don Fehr trades his ball for a puck: will he continue to score?, 19 VILLANOVA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 521 (2012)

Shane Kotlarsky, What’s all the noise about: did the New York Yankees violate fans’ First Amendment rights by banning vuvuzelas in Yankee Stadium?, 20 JEFFREY S. MOORAD SPORTS LAW JOURNAL 35 (2013)

Katherine Kraschel, Note, Transcending space in women’s only spaces: Title IX cannot be the basis for exclusion, 35 HARVARD JOURNAL OF LAW & GENDER 463 (2012)

Liz Larson, Note, More than just spelling: How differences in international labor laws create barriers to expansion of the American National Sports Leagues into Europe intercollegiate sports, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 288 (2011)

Benjamin I. Leibovitz, Comment, Avoiding the sack: how Nebraska’s departure from the Big 12 changed college football and what athletic conferences must do to prevent defection in the future, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 675 (2012)

Amanda Leone, Comment, Buying influence in college athletics: how much does it cost to put in your two cents?, 23 SETON HALL JOURNAL OF SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW 221 (2013)

Michael H. LeRoy, An invisible union for an invisible labor market: college football and the union substitution effect, 2012 WISCONSIN LAW REVIEW 1077 (2012)

Michael H. LeRoy, Federal jurisdiction in sports labor disputes, 2012 UTAH LAW REVIEW 815 (2012)

Clinton R. Long, Promoting competition or preventing it? A competition law analysis of UEFA’s financial fair play rules, 23 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 75 (2012)

Joseph M. Long, A contextual study of the non-profit duty of obedience: the National Collegiate Athletic Association, 23 SETON HALL JOURNAL OF SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW 125 (2013)

James P. Looby, Reasonable accommodations for high school athletes with disabilities: preserving sports while providing access for all, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 227 (2012)

Brian Lovell, Note, Eighteen years old and ready for driving, cigarettes and war, but not basketball: why the NBA is committing a foul on the age eligibility rule, 26 JOURNAL OF CIVIL RIGHTS & ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 415 (2012)

Rohani Mahyera, Comment, Saving cricket: a proposal for the legalization of gambling in India to regulate corrupt betting practices in cricket, 26 EMORY INT’L LAW REVIEW 365 (2012)

Heather M. Mandelkehr, Comment, When toning shoes strengthen nothing more than likelihood of lawsuit: why the Federal Trade Commission needs guidelines regarding proper substantiation of fitness advertisements, 20 JEFFREY S. MOORAD SPORTS LAW JOURNAL 297 (2013)

Samuel G. Mann, Note, In name only: how Major League Baseball’s reliance on its antitrust exemption is hurting the game, 54 WILLIAM & MARY LAW REVIEW587 (2012)

Michael LAW Martin, It’s not a foul unless the ref blows the whistle: how to step up enforcement of the UAAA and SPARTA, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 209 (2012)

James Masteralexis et al., Enough is enough: the case for federal regulation of sport agents, 20 JEFFREY S. MOORAD SPORTS LAW JOURNAL 69 (2013)

James T. Masteralexis & Steve McKelvey, This tweet sponsored by…: the application of the new FTC Guides to the social media world of professional athletes, 11 VIRGINIA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 222 (2011)

Alfred D. Mathewson, Remediating discrimination against African-American female athletes at the intersection of Title IX and Title VI, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 295 (2012)

Amy C. McCormick and Robert A. McCormick, Race and interest convergence in NCAA sports, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 17 (2012)

Eric M. McGregor, Comment, Hooray beer!?: how the reemergence of alcohol sales at campus stadiums will affect universities, 23 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 211 (2012)

Ryan McLaughlin, Note, Warning! Children’s brains are in danger: legislative approaches to creating uniform return-to-play standards for concussions in youth athletics, 22 INDIANA INTERNATIONAL & COMPARATIVE LAW REVIEW 131 (2012)

UEFA decision on Gibraltar opens AFC prospects for Kurds



By James M. Dorsey

A decision by European soccer body UEFA to grant Gibraltar the right of membership potentially opens the door to Kurdistan to seek association with the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) in a move that would acknowledge demands for increased autonomy and the possible shifting of national borders in the Middle East as a result of a wave of change sweeping the region and the civil war in Syria.

The UEFA decision on Gibraltar following a ruling by the Lausanne-based Court of Arbitration of Sport (CAS) and the possible Iraqi Kurdish application to the AFC puts pressure on world soccer body FIFA to loosen its rules on membership as the group gears up for its general assembly in Mauritius next week.
CAS ruled that UEFA’s adoption in 1999 of FIFA’s rule that members need to be recognized by the United Nations was unfair. UEFA originally accepted the UN rule in 1999 to appease Spain which was opposed to the British outpost’s membership.

FIFA has used the rule to bar groups like the Kurds but relaxed its criteria for Palestine, which was granted membership despite not having full UN membership. The AFC’s statutes refer to the UN rule only indirectly by stating that membership has to comply with FIFA’s statutes.

An application by Iraqi Kurdistan is likely to be resisted by Middle Eastern members of the AFC that are largely controlled directly or indirectly by governments that have been put on the defensive as a result of the popular revolts in the region and an international community that is reticent to see a redrawing of colonial-era borders.

Iraqi Kurdistan has been autonomous within Iraq since Western powers imposed a no-fly-zone in the early 1990s to protect the Kurds from retaliation by then Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Iraqi Kurds see their national soccer team as a vehicle to assert nationhood and achieve eventual statehood.

The Kurds are but one group, albeit the most important one in the Middle East, that is demanding greater self-rule and recognition of national rights. The civil war in Syria has raised questions about what a post-Bashar Al-Assad state would look like with Syrian Kurds demanding autonomy and fears that Mr. Al-Assad’s last resort may be to carve out a state for his minority Alawite sect. Kurdish guerrillas in Turkey are negotiating with the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan greater rights within Turkey.

Sunni Muslim tribal leaders in Iraq are demanding a federation that would give them greater control of their own affairs against the backdrop of increased sectarian violence. Other multi-ethnic states in the Middle East like Iran risk minorities demanding greater rights. Israel and the Palestinians have yet to agree on their borders as part of an elusive peace agreement.

“Ominous political realities may be rendering the nation-state system incompatible with the emerging new Arab world….the disintegration that the region has already witnessed – and will undoubtedly continue to witness – will reverberate beyond the Arab map with the creation of a sovereign Kurdish state. Such a state, whether existing de facto or with widespread formal recognition, will have an ever-lasting effect on the boundaries of the Arab world (Syria and Iraq) and of the wider Middle East (Turkey and Iran),” said Saudi analyst Nawaf Obaid, a visiting fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, in a recent analysis.

A statement by Iraqi Kurdish president Massoud Barzani equating sports to politics as a way of achieving recognition adorns Iraqi Kurdistan’s three major stadiums and virtually all of its sports centers and institutions. “We want to serve our nation and use sports to get everything for our nation. We all believe in what the president said,” says Kurdistan Football Federation (KFF) president Safin Kanabi, scion of a legendary supporter of Kurdish soccer who led anti-regime protests in Kurdish stadiums during Saddam Hussein’s rule.

While Arab states’ natural inclination would be to reject an Iraqi Kurdish application to the AFC, some believe that opponents of Mr. Al-Assad, including Saudi Arabia and Qatar may use it as leverage to persuade Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki to reduce support for Mr. Al-Assad. Iraq has a one year, 800,000 ton oil contract with Syria and is believed to allow Iranian cargo planes headed for Syria to regularly transit its air space.

The KFF has been demanding since last year that FIFA grant its team the right to plqy international friendlies in much the same way that the soccer body allowed Kosovo and Catalonia to do so.

“Like any nation, we want to open the door through football. Take Brazil. People know Brazil first and foremost through football. We want to do the same. We want to have a strong team by the time we have a country. We do our job, politicians do theirs. Inshallah (if God wills), we will have a country and a flag” adds Kurdistan national coach Abdullah Mahmoud Muhieddin.

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University, co-director of the Institute of Fan Culture at the University of Würzburg, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog.



Monday, May 27, 2013

Syrian Civil War: Russia Forges Risky Ties with Islamists




RSIS presents the following commentary Syrian Civil War: Russia Forges Risky
Ties with Islamists by James M. Dorsey. It is also available online at this link.
(To print it, click on this link.). Kindly forward any comments or feedback to the
Editor RSIS Commentaries, at  RSISPublication@ntu.edu.sg


No. 100/2013 dated 27 May 2013

Syrian Civil War: Russia Forges
Risky Ties with Islamists

By James M. Dorsey

Synopsis

In a strategy fraught with risk, Russian President Vladimir Putin is exploiting deep-
seated domestic anger at the United States and fundamentalist Russian Orthodoxy
to justify his support for embattled Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and forge an
alliance with Islamist forces.

Commentary
RUSSIAN PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin is countering foreign criticism of his pro-Assad
policy and Russia’s declining credibility in sections of Arab public opinion by forging
ties with Islamist detractors.

In a move that serves both Putin’s domestic and Russia’s foreign interests, a cross
section of Islamist and secular political opinion in the Middle East and North Africa
recently attended a Vaidal Discussion Club conference organised by the Institute of
Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the RIA Novosti news agency
and Council on Foreign and Defence Policy, Moscow, with the backing of the Russian
Foreign Ministry.

Forging commonalities

Officially intended as a brainstorming on rising Islamist political forces in the region
stretching from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf  that is  wracked by popular
protest and discontent, the conference offered Russian officials, academics and
journalists an opportunity to drive home the notion that conservative Russian
Orthodox Christians and Islamists share a common value system.

Reduced international credibility for backing Al-Assad is a small price to pay,
particularly at a time when Putin has been travelling inside the country to regain
some of his lost popularity. If all foreign policy is domestic, President Putin should be
a popular man. He is standing up to the United States and the West, which in the
eyes of many Russians were the reasons for their country’s decline as a super power
and economic hardship. A significant slice of Russian public opinion believes that
Russia’s current problems stem from the US imposing neo-liberal policies on it in the
1990s.

Catching several flies in one swoop

In reaching out to the Islamists, Russia hopes to catch several flies in one fell swoop.
It aligns itself, despite differences over Syria, with a political force that is on the rise
and demonstrates that it can still wield influence in the Middle East and North Africa.
Islamists have won post-revolt elections in Egypt and Tunisia and are a major force in
Libya and Yemen – the four countries that witnessed the toppling of their autocratic
leaders in the last two years – and are an important segment in the armed resistance
to the Al-Assad regime in Syria. It also serves Russia in its confrontation with Islamist
insurgents in the Caucasus.

To achieve its goal, Russia deliberately included arch conservative Russian Orthodox
officials and journalists among the participants in Marrakech who represent an
important segment of Russian society. According to a prominent Russian analyst: “The
Soviet era is over. The post-Soviet era is over. There is nothing to fill the vacuum.
Logically something pre-Soviet will fill the vacuum. It is likely to fail, but for now that is
an ultra-conservative streak of Russian Orthodoxy”.

In exchanges with Islamists from Egypt, Iran, Lebanese group Hezbollah and Palestine’s 
Hamas, among others, Russian Orthodox conservatives left more liberal Arabs and
Westerners aghast at the length to which they were willing to go in their wooing of the
Islamists. Conservative Russian Orthodox journalists and officials asserted that Western
culture was in decline while Oriental culture was on the rise, that gays and gender
equality threaten a woman’s right to remain at home and serve her family and that Iran
should be the model for women’s rights.

A senior Russian official told the conference that people understood the manipulation
employed by Western democracies. However, he said, religious values offered a moral and 
ethical guideline that guarded against speculation and economic bubbles while traditional 
Islamic concepts coincided with their guidelines.

A strategy that could backfire

Russia’s deployment of conservative Russian Orthodoxy could well help Putin and Moscow
further their interests, but it is also a strategy that could backfire. It could associate Russia
with a force that ultimately proves incapable of leading reform. Egyptian President
Mohammed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood are under fire for failing to make good on
the goals of the popular revolt that overthrew President Hosni Mubarak, including greater
freedom, dismantling of the Mubarak-era repressive machinery, corruption and economic
reform. Similarly, Tunisia’s Islamist-led government has yet to demonstrate that it can
manage the country’s post-revolt transition.

The difficulties Egyptian and Tunisian Islamists are experiencing in  making the move from
clandestine groups to inclusive administrations has prompted Islamists elsewhere to rethink
a too early acceptance of responsibility and power. Jordanian Muslim Brothers boycotted
elections earlier this year officially in protest against gerrymandering, but also with an eye
on what was happening elsewhere in the region.

Similarly, Russia’s position on Syria is likely to become ever more unpalatable as the
violence in Syria on both sides of the divide becomes ever more brutal. If and when
Al-Assad is forced out of office, Russia’s alliance with the Islamists could identify it with
one faction rather than as an independent player in what is likely to be a prolonged, ugly
and bloody struggle for power.

Finally, Islamists are likely to maintain their support for their brethren in the Caucasus
irrespective of their relations with Moscow. That would render Russian foreign policy in
the perceptions of many as purely opportunistic and undermine Moscow’s claim that
its policies, including its support of Al-Assad, are based on principles such as non-
interference in the domestic affairs of others.

Said a prominent Russian analyst: “It’s a brilliant strategy if it works. The problem is
that if we end up with egg in our face, we will be further from home than we are now”.

 James M. Dorsey is a Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. He is the author of the
 blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.


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Sunday, May 26, 2013

5 Sports Law Questions & Answers for the Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame

I'm honored to be the Distinguished Visiting Hall of Fame Professor of Law at Mississippi College School of Law, where I taught full-time from 2005 and 2008. I now teach a sports law course there every May and I remain active in the Mississippi sports and legal communities. I consider Mississippi my other home state.

A few days ago, I answered 5 sports law questions for Rick Cleveland, the executive director of the Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame & Museum. Topics include NFL concussion litigation, Bountygate, legality of the Bowl Championship Series, the NCAA banning Twitter hashtags and O'Bannon v. NCAA.  Here's an excerpt:

Part of the problem is that the NFL and NFLPA have a strained relationship, to put it mildly, partly due to the lockout and partly due to years of not trusting one another.

Part of the problem is also that the NFL commissioner has tremendous, non-reviewable powers, and that the players accepted those powers in collective bargaining.  Had the lockout not dragged on right up until the 2011 season, I suspect the players would have had more time to negotiate more due process.  But they didn’t, so the commissioner’s authorities remain quite strong.

To read the rest, click here.

Friday, May 24, 2013

"Sport as Speech" and Non-Sport as Speech

I just finished reading Sport as Speech, a new paper by Genevieve Lakier (currently a law clerk on the Sixth Circuit); Lakier argues that spectator sports are expressive activities entitled to First Amendment protection (or at least First Amendment scrutiny of any regulations). It is an interesting notion that I had not thought of, although if she is right, it certainly strengthens my arguments about fan speech.

Two further thoughts on the paper.

1) Lakier takes on prior scholarhip and case law (notably a 2002 student comment in Yale LJ) arguing that sport is protected only to the extent it is close to being a dance or theatrical performance--for example, gymnastics, diving, and figure skating. These are the events that I have argued are not sport because the results are determined by evaluating the intrinsic merit of the athletic skills performed, as opposed to sport, where the result of that performance. In other words, under this approach (which Lakier rejects), non-sport is expressive, but sport is not expressive. So there is yet another reason for figuring out what qualifies as sport.

2) Lakier expressly limits her argument only to spectator sports, arguing that the expressive component of sport comes from players performing for a crowd. But I wonder if that cuts her case short. She relies a lot on the similarity between sport and other conduct widely recognized as expressive, notably music and dance. But those activities enjoy First Amendment protection even if not done for an audience; a prohibition on dancing in private or when no one is watching (think Footloose) would violate the First Amendment. So if basketball is expressive when played for a crowd, why not when it's ten people playing in an empty gym or playground or even one person playing in the driveway?

Wednesday, May 22, 2013

New sports law scholarship -- Pt. 1

I'm finally getting caught up with recently published scholarship, and since it's been a while since I've posted these updates, I'm breaking up the list into parts over the next few days:
Tara M. Allport, Comment, This is hardcore: why the court should have granted a writ of mandamus compelling mandatory condom use to decrease transmission of HIV and STDs in the adult film industry, 19 VILLANOVA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 655 (2012)
Phoebe A. Amberg, Comment, Protecting kids’ melons: potential liability and enforcement issues with youth concussion laws, 23 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW171 (2012)
Brenda L. Ambrosius, Note, Title IX: creating unequal equality through application of the proportionality standard in collegiate athletics, 46 VALPARAISO UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW 557 (2012)
Trisha Ananiades, Penalty on the field: creating a NCAA sexual assault policy, 19 VILLANOVA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 463 (2012) 
Paul M. Anderson, Title IX at Forty: an introduction and historical review of forty legal developments that shaped gender equity law, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 325 (2012)

Thomas A. Baker III et al., Consent theory as a possible cure for unconscionable terms in student-athlete contracts, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 619 (2012)

Talor Bearman, Note, Intercepting licensing rights: why college athletes need a federal right of publicity, 15 VANDERBILT JOURNAL OF ENTERTAINMENT & TECHNOLOGY LAW 85 (2012)

Eric D. Bentley, He tweeted what? A First Amendment analysis of the use of social media by college athletes and recommended best practices for athletic departments, 38 JOURNAL OF COLLEGE & UNIVERSITY LAW 451 (2012)

Amy L. Bernstein, Comment, Into the red zone: how the National Football League’s quest to curb concussions and concussion-related injuries could affect players’ legal recovery, 22 SETON HALL JOURNAL OF SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW 271 (2012)

Erin E. Berry, Respect for the fundamental notion of fairness of competition: the IAAF, hyperandrogenism, and women athletes, 27 WISCONSIN JOURNAL OF LAW GENDER & SOCIETY 207 (2012)

Annie Bersagel, Is there a stare decisis doctrine in the Court of Arbitration for Sport? An analysis of published awards for anti-doping disputes in track and field, 12 PEPPERDINE DISPUTE RESOLUTION LAW JOURNAL 189 (2012)

Andrew C. Billings, Talking around race: stereotypes, media, and the twenty-first century collegiate athlete, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 199 (2012)

Michael Birch, Take some land for the ball game: sports stadiums, eminent domain, and the public use doctrine, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 173 (2012)

Kevin B. Blackstone, The whitening of sports media and the coloring of black athletes’ images, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 215 (2012)

Jessica Blumert, Note, Home games: legal issues concerning the displacement of property owners at the site of Olympic venues, 21 CARDOZO JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL & COMPARATIVE LAW 153 (2012)

Brian Bodansky, Note, Kicking the penalty: why the European Court of Justice should allow salary caps in UEFA, 36 FORDHAM INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL 163 (2013)

Deborah L. Brake, Going outside Title IX to keep coach-athlete relationships in bounds, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 395 (2012)

Andrew W. Breck, Note, Keeping your head on straight: protecting Indiana youth athletes from traumatic brain injuries through “return-to-play” legislation, 9 INDIANA HEALTH LAW REVIEW 215 (2012)

Jacquelyn L. Bridgeman, The end game: envisioning equality for women and girls in sports, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 267 (2012)

Garrett R. Broshuis, Comment, Deterring opportunism through clawbacks: lessons for executive compensation from minor league baseball, 57 ST. LOUIS UNIVERSITY LAW JOURNAL 185 (2012)

Zak Brown, Note, What’s said in this locker room, stays in this locker room: restricting the social media use of collegiate athletes and the implications for their institutions, 10 JOURNAL OF TELECOMMUNICATIONS & HIGH TECH LAW 421 (2012)

Maggie Jo P. Buchanan, Note, Title IX turns 40: a brief history and look forward, 14 TEXAS REVIEW OF ENTERTAINMENT & SPORTS LAW 91 (2012)

Timothy J. Bucher, Game on: sports-related games and the contentious interplay between the right of publicity and the First Amendment, 14 TEXAS REVIEW ENTERTAINMENT & SPORTS LAW 1 (2012)

Alexander Bussey, Stretching copyright to its limit: on the copyrightability of yoga and other sports movements in light of the U.S. Copyright Office’s new characterization of compilations, 20 JEFFREY S. MOORAD SPORTS LAW JOURNAL 1 (2013)

Erin E. Buzuvis & Kristine E. Newhall, Equality beyond the three-part test: exploring and explaining the invisibility of Title IX’s equal treatment requirement, 22 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW427 (2012)

David S. Cerra, Note, Unringing the bell: former players sue NFL and helmet manufacturers over concussion risks in Maxwell v. NFL, 16 MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF MEDICINE & LAW 265 (2012)

Walter T. Champion & Danyahel Norris, Obama vs. Bush on steroids: two different approaches to a pseudo-controversy—or is it really worthy of note in a state of the union address?, 36 THURGOOD MARSHALL LAW REVIEW193 (2011)

Jeremy Corapi, Note, Red card: using the National Football League’s “Rooney Rule” to eject race discrimination from English professional soccer’s managerial and executive hiring practices, 23 FORDHAM INTELLAW PROPERTY MEDIA & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 341 (2012)

Nathan Crown, Hart v. Electronic Arts, Inc.: the District of New Jersey tackles college athletes’ publicity rights, 19 SPORTS LAWYERS JOURNAL 345 (2012)

George B. Cunningham, Occupational segregation of African Americans in intercollegiate athletics administration, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY 165 (2012)

Paul A. Czarnota, The World Anti-Doping Code, the athlete’s duty of “utmost caution,” and the elimination of cheating, 23 MARQUETTE SPORTS LAW REVIEW 45 (2012)

Christopher David & Cameron Ruiz, You can’t win if you don’t play: the surprising absence of Latino athletes from college sports, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY227 (2012)

Lindsay N. Demery, Note, What about the boys? Sacking the contact sports exemption and tackling gender discrimination in athletics, 34 THOMAS JEFFERSON LAW REVIEW 373 (2012)

Nicholas A. Deming, Note, Drafting a solution: impact of the new salary system on the first-year Major League Baseball amateur draft, 34 HASTINGS COMMUNICATION & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 427 (2012)

Javier Diaz, Comment, Beware of deadly flying bats: an examination of the legal implications of maple bat injuries in Major League Baseball, 22 SETON HALL JOURNAL OF SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW 311 (2012)

John Dillon, Comment, Major League Baseball team bankruptcies: who wins? Who loses?, 32 LOYOLA-L.A. ENTERTAINMENT LAW REVIEW297 (2012)

William A. Drennan, Taxing commercial sponsorships of college athletics: a balanced proposal, 73 OHIO STATE LAW JOURNAL 1353 (2012)

Thomas M. Duncan, Comment, Driving Americans’ perception of recreation: awaiting the Park Service’s long-term solution to address snowmobile access in Yellowstone National Park, 19 VILLANOVA SPORTS & ENTERTAINMENT LAW JOURNAL 699 (2012)

Dennis Durao, An endangered species: professional sports team physicians, 15 QUINNIPIAC HEALTH LAW JOURNAL 33 (2011-2012)

Chika Duru, Out for blood: employment discrimination, sickle cell trait, and the NFL, 9 HASTINGS RACE & POVERTY LAW JOURNAL 265 (2012)

N. Jeremi Duru, Call in the Feds: Title VI as a diversifying force in the collegiate head football coaching ranks, 2 WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF LAW & POLICY143 (2012)

Quartz: US intelligence sees soccer as indicator of discontent


To locate the next Arab Spring revolution, look to the soccer stands

It’s been said that soccer tells us all we need to know about

Now a Singapore-based blogger says soccer can tell us which
Middle East or North African government will be the next to
blow. At the top of the list: Algeria and Saudi Arabia.

James M. Dorsey looks at soccer as a lens through which to
view the fault lines carving up the Middle East and North Africa.
In Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and other countries, he says, soccer
played a key role in allowing pent-up anger and frustration to
percolate into organized protest that forced transitions from
autocratic rule to more open societies.

In these countries, those engaging in public forms of dissent are
often tortured and “disappeared.” Soccer fans, in contrast, are
allowed to vent as much as they want, and in large numbers.
Stadiums become incubators of protest and insurrection. One only
has to watch the action off the pitch to accurately gauge the mood
of the people and see how close they are to erupting into mass protest,
Dorsey tells Quartz.

Dorsey, a former Wall Street Journal foreign correspondent, has
been writing his blog for three years. In February 2011, 
he focused on the role of the militant, highly politicized, and well
organized soccer fans, known as Ultras, in Egypt’s uprising.
Here’s a taste:

One catch: Often, especially in family-run monarchies, the
countries’ leaders own soccer clubs as a status symbol, so 
fans might just be mad at the government for the latest losing 
streak. That might have been the case recently in Saudi Arabia, 
where fans booed Prince Faisal bin Turki, the owner of Riyadh 
soccer club Al Nassr FC.

Saudi soccer fans booing and pelting a prince.http://www.Alhilal.com/The Turbulent World of
Middle East Soccer blog
Dorsey doesn’t think so, and contends the Saudis are in trouble.
Washington-based Saudi dissident Ali al-Ahmad agrees, based on the
increasingly militant behavior of young male soccer fans in the stands
as well as on Facebook and YouTube.

“It has reached a breaking point. They are calling for overthrow, and
using very similar chants to fans in Tunisia and elsewhere,’’ said
al-Ahmad, of the Institute for Gulf Affairs. “When they are all together,
they are not afraid anymore.”

Dorsey predicts the next revolt will be in Algeria. Soccer fans there are
increasingly voicing opposition to 76-year old president Abdelaziz
Bouteflika, who is recovering from a stroke in Paris. Recently, they
interrupted a moment of silence during a match to commemorate the
death of a former leader, chanting “Bouteflika is next.”

Dorsey says some very influential security types, as well as soccer officials,
follow his blog for hints as to what is to come. One US intelligence official
agrees with Dorsey’s premise. The official, who has spent decades in the
Middle East and North Africa, said CIA officers routinely attend matches
to glean clues as to where a country is headed.

Often, the official said, an autocratic regime would cover up burgeoning
dissent by blaming it on hooliganism. The CIA person on the ground would
mention that, too, in the cable back to headquarters: “They would take note
of it all, and put it in context. As soon as the prince shows up, everyone
starts booing. That sort of thing.’’

Hart v. Electronic Arts: First Amendment Does Not Trump the Right of Publicity

In adopting and applying the transformative use test for balancing the First Amendment against the right of publicity, yesterday the Third Circuit ruled in Hart v. Electronic Arts that the First Amendment does NOT trump college players' right of publicity in the context of video game use of their likenesses.  The court's 62-page opinion is here and it is a fascinating read for those of you who, like me, have an interest in right of publicity law.

Courts that have rejected professional athletes' right of publicity claims in various contexts (such as fantasy league use and parody trading card use) have sometimes highlighted the fact that "they are already handsomely compensated."  While in my view this has no relevance in evaluating a professional athlete's right of publicity claim, the Third Circuit in a footnote (pg. 23 of the opinion) points out that it is obviously inapplicable to right of publicity cases involving amateur athletes:
We reject as inapplicable in this case the suggestion that those who play organized sports are not significantly damaged by appropriation of their likeness because "players are rewarded, and handsomely, too, for their participation in games and can earn additional large sums from endorsement and sponsorship arrangements." (citations omitted)  If anything, the policy considerations in this case weigh in favor of [the athletes].  As we have already noted, intercollegiate athletes are forbidden from capitalizing on their fame while in school.

The right of publicity claim in the O'Bannon/Keller consolidated case is pending appeal on the opposite side of the country in the Ninth Circuit.  The district court in that case has already ruled that the First Amendment does not trump the players' right of publicity in the context of video game use.  It would surprise me if the Ninth Circuit does not ultimately uphold the district court's ruling.  But even if the Ninth Circuit were to reverse the district court, it would result in a split of circuits on this question.   The bottom line, therefore, is that this is a highly significant and ground-breaking decision by the Third Circuit in favor of college players. 

  

Monday, May 20, 2013

Warren Zola article in Boston Globe Magazine

Warren Zola has an outstanding and provocative piece in this past Sunday's Boston Globe Magazine arguing that college athletes should be paid.  Be sure to check it out.

Saudi Arabia to allow women into stadiums


Protests persuade Saudi prince to leave the pitch

By James M. Dorsey

Saudi Arabia, under domestic and international pressure to grant women sporting rights, is creating separate stadium sections so that female spectators and journalists can attend soccer matches in a country that has no public physical education or sporting facilities for women.

The move announced by the recently elected head of the Saudi Football Federation, Ahmed Eid Alharbi, a storied player believed to be a reformer, also comes as soccer is emerging as a focal point of dissent in the conservative kingdom.

Saudi Arabia has been slow in granting limited enhancement of women’s rights in response to demands by activists. Women in Saudi Arabia are banned from driving, travelling without authorization from a male relative and banned from working in a host of professions. Saudi Arabia’s religious police said last month that women would be allowed to ride bikes and motorbikes in recreational areas provided that they were properly dressed and accompanied by a male relative.

Saudi Arabia recently also announced that it would allow girl’s physical education in private schools as long as they do so in line with Islamic law. Yet, a five-year national sports plan, the kingdom’s first, currently being drafted does not make provisions for women’s sports. Saudi sources say the government is also for the first time considering licensing women’s soccer clubs.

Saudi Arabia last year sent under pressure from the International Olympic Committee women athletes, albeit expatriate ones, to the 2012 London Olympics, the first time Saudi women competed in an international tournament. The kingdom is also under pressure from the West Asian Football Federation, which earlier this year, issued guidelines to ensure that women have equal rights and opportunities in soccer.

Speaking at King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah, according to Saudi press reports, Mr. Alharbi hinted at the economic impact of allowing women to attend matches by saying that the creation of facilities for them would increase capacity at various stadiums by 15 percent. He said the Prince Abdullah Al-Faisal Stadium in Jeddah would be the first to accommodate up to 32,000 women followed by the King Abdullah City stadium in the capital in 2014. Saudi Arabia, which enforces strict gender segregation, first announced in 2012 plans to upgrade the Jeddah stadium to enable women to enter.

Meanwhile, in the latest politically-loaded soccer incident, Al Ittihad SC of Jeddah, filed a complaint against Riyadh’s Al Hilal SC after an Al Ittihad official and fans tweeted and chanted racist remarks. Al Ittihad, which has a number of dark-skinned Saudi players, and Al Hilal are among Saudi Arabia’s top clubs.

“The last match between Al-Hilal and Al-Ittihad clearly revealed the indecency of Al-Ittihad players through two movements – one from ‘the monkey’ Fahd Al-Muwallad who did not stop proceeding when Muhammad Al-Qarni was injured in a jostle with him. Secondly, (they) did not fulfill the commitment to Majed Al-Murshidi, and did not greet or thank him,” Saud Al-Sahli, assistant director of public relations and announcer at King Fahd International Stadium in Riyadh, said on Twitter. Al Hilal fans chanted Some Al-Hilal fans had shouted “Nigger, Nigger” during the match earlier this month. Messrs. Al-Muwallad and Al-Qarni are both dark-skinned.

Saudi newspapers warned that racist incidents threaten to rekindle religious sectarianism, tribalism, and regionalism in the kingdom, in part a reference to Shiite Muslim protests in the oil-rich Eastern Province. 
“The racist and sectarian utterances of sports fans should not be punished by fines alone, as some heads of the sports clubs are immensely rich and can pay the fines against their fans without feeling any burden. There should be harsher punishments, including a ban on the fans from entering the stadiums, reducing the club’s league points or even downgrading it to a lower division,” the Saudi Gazette said in an editorial.

Members of the royal family with positions in Saudi soccer or who own clubs have been repeatedly in the past year in the firing line of disgruntled fans. A Facebook page entitled Nasrawi Revolution demands the resignation of Prince Faisal bin Turki, the owner of storied Riyadh club Al Nasser FC and a burly nephew of King Abdullah who sports a mustache and chin hair. A You Tube video captured Prince Faisal seemingly being pelted and chanted against as he rushed off the soccer pitch after rudely shoving a security official aside.

The campaign against Prince Faisal follows last year’s unprecedented resignation of Prince Nawaf bin Feisal as head of the Saudi Football Federation (SFF), the first royal to be persuaded by public pressure step down in a region where monarchial control of the sport is seen as politically important.

Prince Nawaf’s resignation led to the election of Mr. Alharbi, a commoner, in a country that views free and fair polling as a Western concept that is inappropriate for the kingdom. Prince Nawaf retained his position as head of the Saudi Olympic Committee and the senior official responsible for youth welfare that effectively controls the SFF.

Nevertheless, the resignation of Prince Nawaf and the campaign against Prince Faisal gains added significance in a nation in which the results of premier league clubs associated with various members of the kingdom’s secretive royal family are seen as a barometer of their relative status, particularly at a time that its septuagenarian and octogenarian leaders prepare for a gradual generational transition.
Said a Saudi journalist, summing up the mood among fans and many other Saudis: “Everything is upside down. Revolution is possible. There is change, but it is slow. It has to be fast. Nobody knows what will happen.”

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog.

Sunday, May 19, 2013

Algeria: Middle East’s next revolt if soccer is a barometer


Algerian soccer fans protest in 2011

By James M. Dorsey

Algeria is competing to be the next Arab nation to witness a popular revolt. That is assuming soccer is a barometer of rising discontent in a region experiencing a wave of mass protests that have already toppled the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen and sparked civil war in Syria.

In fact, there is increasingly  little doubt that soccer, a historic nucleus of protest in Algeria, is signaling that popular discontent could again spill into the streets of Algiers and other major cities. Two years ago, protesters inspired by events in Egypt and Tunisia, ultimately pulled back from the brink despite the toppling of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

Now, in circumstances similar to Saudi Arabia, protests are mounting amid uncertainty about the future as Algeria’s aging leadership struggles with a series of natural deaths and the effects of health problems among its remaining key members.

Soccer fans earlier this month demonstrated their disdain for the fate of 76-year old President Abdelaziz Bouteflika who is recovering from a stroke in a Paris hospital by cheering their team for days in the streets of Algiers in advance of an upcoming championship. Similarly, fans interrupted a moment of silence in a stadium to commemorate the death of a former leader by chanting “Bouteflika is next.”

Mr. Bouteflika’s illness follows the death in the past year of two former presidents, Ahmed Ben Bella and Chadli Benjedid and Ali Kafi, who served as a transition leader in the early 1990s while the military fought Islamist forces who had won elections in a brutal war that left some 100,000 people dead.
The memory of that war and the military-dominated regime’s liberal social spending temporarily took the wind out of the demonstrators’ sails and persuaded them in 2011 to shy away from staging a full-fledged revolt.

Mr. Bouteflika’s stroke threatens to change that.

"If there is not real democratic transition, there will be an uprising ... we will return to the violence of the 1990s," warned Chafiq Mesbah, a former member of Algeria's intelligence service and now a political analyst, earlier this month in an interview with The Associated Press.

The most recent protests are part of an upsurge in soccer-related violence in Algeria, an indicator that increased wages and government social spending is failing to compensate for frustration with the failure of the country’s gerontocracy in control since independence to share power with a younger generation, create jobs and address housing problems.

Dozens of people, including a player, were injured six months ago when supporters of Jeunesse Sportive de la Saoura (JSS) stormed the pitch during a premier league match in their home stadium in Meridja in the eastern province of Bechar against Algiers-based Union Sportive de la Médina d'El Harrach (USM). The incident followed a massive brawl between players and between fans after a Libya-Algeria Africa Cup of Nations qualifier. 

Relations between the two countries have been strained since Algeria refused to support the NATO-backed popular revolt that overthrew Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi. Algeria granted until recently refuge to Colonel Qaddafi’s wife Safiya and his daughter Aisha. One of his sons, Hannibal, was also believed to be in Algeria before leaving with the other family members for Oman..Libya apologized in November after hundreds of Libyan fans surrounded the Algerian embassy in Tripoli, ripped the Algerian emblem from the building and burnt an Algerian flag.

The protesters’ retreat into the stadiums amounted to a tacit understanding between Algerian soccer fans and security forces that football supporters could express their grievances as long as they did so within the confines of the stadiums. “Bouteflika is in love with his throne, he wants another term," is a popular anti-government chant in stadiums.

Stadiums have long been an incubator of protest in soccer-crazy Algeria. A 2007 diplomatic cable sent by the US embassy in Algiers and disclosed by Wikileaks linked a soccer protest in the desert city of Boussaada to demonstrations in the western port city of Oran sparked by the publication of a highly contentious list of government housing recipients. The cable warned that “this kind of disturbance has become commonplace, and appears likely to remain so unless the government offers diversions other than soccer and improves the quality of life of its citizens.

Seven fans were killed in the last five years in soccer-related violence and more than 2,700 wounded, according to Algerian statistics.

Algeria’s domestic fragility is highlighted by almost daily smaller protests in towns across the country sparked by discontent over lack of water, housing, electricity, jobs and salaries. Protests have led to suspension of soccer matches. Soccer was also suspended during last year’s legislative elections.

A sense that the government may revert to strong arm tactics rather than reform if protests swell was reinforced when General Bachir Tartag was recalled from retirement in 2012 to head the Directorate for Internal Security (DSI). Gen. Tartag, who is believed to be in his sixties, made a name for himself during the civil war against the Islamists as one of Algeria’s most notorious hardliners and a brutal military commander.

The appointment positions him as a potential successor to aging Algerian spy chief Gen. Gen. Mohamed ‘Tewfik’ Mediene, widely viewed as the number two within the Algerian regime should he eventually take over from Mr. Bouteflika.

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture, and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog.